我有⼀个梦想段落划分
《我有⼀个梦想》(I have a dream)是⻢丁·路德·⾦于1963年8⽉28⽇在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲，内容主要关于⿊⼈⺠族平等。对美国甚⾄世界影响很⼤，被我国编⼊中学教程。下⾯是店铺给⼤家整理的我有⼀个梦想段落划分，供⼤家阅读!
我有⼀个梦想段落划分
第⼀部分(1 )回顾。以形象⽣动的语⾔阐述了此次游⾏的起因和⺫的，肯定《解放⿊奴宣⾔》的重⼤意义。
第⼆部分(2—16)揭⽰⿊⼈⽣活的现状，抨击美国社会⿊暗的⼀⾯，提出⾃已正当的要求。即“揭露事实”“讽刺许诺”“提出要求”“提醒当局”“讲究策略”“表明决⼼”。
第三部分(17到结尾)，作者连⽤六个“我梦想有⼀天”，正⾯表达了对⾃由和平等的渴望，抒发了他作为⼀个⿊⼈内⼼最热烈的梦想。(展望前途，前途是光明的，胜利⼀定能够到来。)
我有⼀个梦想中⽂
今天，我⾼兴地同⼤家⼀起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取⾃由⽽举⾏的最伟⼤的⽰威集会。
100年前，⼀位伟⼤的美国⼈--今天我们就站在他象征性的⾝影下--签署了《解放⿊奴宣⾔》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于⾮正义残焰中的⿊奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕⼤灯塔，恰似结束漫漫⻓夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
然⽽100年后的今天，我们必须正视⿊⼈还没有得到⾃由这⼀悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，⿊⼈的⽣活备受压榨。100年后的今天，⿊⼈仍⽣活在物质充裕的海洋中⼀个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天，⿊⼈仍然蜷缩在美国社会的⾓落⾥，并且意识到⾃⼰是故⼟家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这⾥集会，就是要把这种骇⼈听闻的情况公诸世⼈。
就某种意义⽽⾔，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺⾔⽽汇集到我们国家的⾸都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独⽴宣⾔的⽓壮⼭河的词句时，曾向每⼀个美国⼈许下了诺⾔，他们承诺所有⼈--不论⽩⼈还是⿊⼈--都享有不可让渡的⽣存权、⾃由权和追求幸福权。
就有⾊公⺠⽽论，美国显然没有实践她的诺⾔。美国没有履⾏这项神圣的义务，只是给⿊⼈开了⼀张空头⽀票，⽀票上盖着“资⾦不⾜”的戳⼦后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银⾏已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨⼤的机会之库⾥已没有⾜够的储备。因此今天我们要求将⽀票兑现——这张⽀票将给予我们宝贵的⾃由和正义保障。
我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是⾮常急迫的时刻。现在绝⾮奢谈冷静下来或服⽤渐进主
义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现⺠主的诺⾔时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深⾕攀登种族平等的光明⼤道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的⼉⼥开放机会之⻔的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐⽯上的时候。
如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估⿊⼈的决⼼，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。⾃由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，⿊⼈义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着⽃争的结束，⽽是开始。有⼈希望，⿊⼈只要撒撒⽓就会满⾜；如果国家安之若素，毫⽆反应，这些⼈必会⼤失所望的。⿊⼈得不到公⺠的基本权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的⼀天不到来，叛乱的旋⻛就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。
但是对于等候在正义之宫⻔⼝的⼼急如焚的⼈们，有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中，我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满⾜对⾃由的渴望⽽抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们⽃争时必须永远举⽌得体，纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴⼒⾏动。我们要不断地升华到以精神⼒量对付物质⼒量的崇⾼境界中去。
现在⿊⼈社会充满着了不起的新的战⽃精神，但是不能因此⽽不信任所有的⽩⼈。因为我们的许多⽩⼈兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游⾏集会就是明证。他们的⾃由与我们的⾃由是息息相关的。我们不能单独⾏动。
当我们⾏动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有⼈问热⼼⺠权运动的⼈，“你们什么时候才能满⾜?”
只要⿊⼈仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满⾜。
只要我们在外奔波⽽疲乏的⾝躯不能在公路旁的汽⻋旅馆和城⾥的旅馆到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满⾜。
只要⿊⼈的基本活动范围只是从少数⺠族聚居的⼩贫⺠区转移到⼤贫⺠区，我们就绝不会满⾜。
只要我们的孩⼦被“仅限⽩⼈”的标语剥夺⾃我和尊严，我们就绝不会满⾜。
只要密⻄⻄⽐州仍然有⼀个⿊⼈不能参加选举，只要纽约有⼀个⿊⼈认为他投票⽆济于事，我们就绝不会满⾜。
不!我们现在并不满⾜，我们将来也不满⾜，除⾮正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚⽽来。
我并⾮没有注意到，参加今天集会的⼈中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚⾛出窄⼩的牢房，有些由于寻求⾃由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴⾏的旋⻛中摇摇欲坠。你们是⼈为痛苦的⻓期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是⼀种赎罪。
让我们回到密⻄⻄⽐去，回到亚拉巴⻢去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北⽅城市中的贫⺠区和少数⺠族居住区去，要⼼中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。
我们不要陷⼊绝望⽽不可⾃拔。朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有⼀个梦想，这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想之中。
我梦想有⼀天，这个国家会站⽴起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为真理是不⾔⽽喻，⼈⼈⽣⽽平等。”
我梦想有⼀天，在佐治亚的红⼭上，昔⽇奴⾪的⼉⼦将能够和昔⽇奴⾪主的⼉⼦坐在⼀起，共叙兄弟情谊。
我梦想有⼀天，甚⾄连密⻄⻄⽐州这个正义匿迹，压迫成⻛，如同沙漠般的地⽅，也将变成⾃由和正义的绿洲。
我梦想有⼀天，我的四个孩⼦将在⼀个不是以他们的肤⾊，⽽是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度⾥⽣活。
今天，我有⼀个梦想。我梦想有⼀天，亚拉巴⻢州能够有所转变，尽管该州州⻓现在仍然满⼝异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝⼀⽇，那⾥的⿊⼈男孩和⼥孩将能与⽩⼈男孩和⼥孩情同⾻⾁，携⼿并进。
今天，我有⼀个梦想。
我梦想有⼀天，幽⾕上升，⾼⼭下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照⼈间。
这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南⽅。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出⼀块希望之⽯。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺⽿的争吵声，改变成为⼀⽀洋溢⼿⾜之情的优美交响曲。engage in
有了这个信念，我们将能⼀起⼯作，⼀起祈祷，⼀起⽃争，⼀起坐牢，⼀起维护⾃由；因为我们知道，终有⼀天，我们是会⾃由的。
在⾃由到来的那⼀天，上帝的所有⼉⼥们将以新的含义⾼唱这⽀歌：“我的祖国，美丽的⾃由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是⽗辈逝去的地⽅，您是最初移⺠的骄傲，让⾃由之声响彻每个⼭岗。”
如果美国要成为⼀个伟⼤的国家，这个梦想必须实现!
让⾃由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇⼭峻岭响起来!
让⾃由之声从纽约州的崇⼭峻岭响起来!
让⾃由之声从宾⼣法尼亚州的阿勒格尼⼭响起来!
让⾃由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基⼭响起来!
让⾃由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的峰响起来!
不仅如此，还要让⾃由之声从佐治亚州的⽯岭响起来!
让⾃由之声从⽥纳⻄州的瞭望⼭响起来!
让⾃由之声从密⻄⻄⽐的每⼀座丘陵响起来!
让⾃由之声从每⼀⽚⼭坡响起来!
当我们让⾃由之声响起，让⾃由之声从每⼀个⼤⼩村庄、每⼀个州和每⼀个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这⼀天的到来，那时，上帝的所有⼉⼥，⿊⼈和⽩⼈，犹太教徒和⾮犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将⼿携⼿，合唱⼀⾸古⽼的⿊⼈灵歌：
“⾃由啦!⾃由啦!感谢全能上帝，我们终于⾃由啦!”
我有⼀个梦想英⽂原⽂
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for fr
eedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Li
berty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and eq
uality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is
from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest --quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds
of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jarring discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhoo
d. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that.
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
发表评论